THE WORKING CLASS MOVEMENT IN INDIA: PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE
Professor Venkatesh Athreya
Economist Venkatesh Athreya delivered an inaugural lecture during the national seminar "The Working Class Movement in India- Past,Present,Future" on September 24-25, 2009 at at the University of Mumbai.
1.Colonial Rule
As this seminar gets under way in the city of Mumbai, one naturally recalls one of the pioneers of the working class movement in India in the late nineteenth century, N. M. Lokhande, a disciple of the great social reformer Jyotiba Phule. Long before trade unions of a modern type came into being in India, Lokhande espoused the cause of workers and was a pioneer in attempts to impart literacy and rudimentary education to the workers of factories in the late 19th century. The credit for producing one of the tallest leaders of the Indian working class, Comrade B.T.Ranadive, also goes to Mumbai. Permit me to commence this inaugural address by paying my homage to these two leaders and other countless leaders and activists of the working class movement who are no longer with us now.
One of the key impacts of colonial rule in India was the process of decimation, through most of the nineteenth century and especially its first half, of artisanal industry and massive deindustrialization which led to the shift of population on a large scale from urban areas to rural India. This was of immense political and economic significance. It meant that the emergence of a modern working class would be an enormously complex and protracted process under especially unfavourable circumstances characterized by the threefold exploitation of labour: pre-capitalist, colonial and capitalist. Although the railways and associated engineering industries beginning in the 1850s, soon followed by the development of the cotton textile industry, and later, jute, sugar and cement, did see a rapid increase in the numbers of the industrial workforce, it was a workforce drawn from a distressed rural population rendered greatly vulnerable by British colonial policy in relation to land tenure, land revenue and agriculture. This not only meant extremely low wages determined by the prevailing miserable living standards of the rural poor and highly exploitative conditions of work, but also that the emerging working class would be steeped in pre-capitalist relations, both in terms of economic ties to land and agriculture and in terms of caste and other obscurantist structures and values. Even the very process of recruitment of workers to industrial jobs through labour contractors would often imply that workers in any factory would already be compartmentalized in terms of religion, caste and location of origin. This would of course pose huge challenges to the working class movement in its efforts to organize workers into unions and to develop their political and class consciousness.
Under these circumstances, it was no surprise that while the political organization of the Indian bourgeoisie had already taken concrete shape in the formation of the Indian National Congress by the mid 1880s, the first modern trade union emerged only in the second decade of the twentieth century in the shape of the Madras Labour Union of the workers of Buckingham and Carnatic Mills in the then Madras Presidency.[1] The first national conference of the All India Trade Union Congress took place only in 1920. However, as is well known, the trade union movement made rapid strides in the 1920s, inspired both by the Russian Revolution of October 1917 and the mass national movement against colonial rule. Plagued by internal divisions and facing the systematic repression of trade unions by the colonial rulers who foisted conspiracy cases against prominent trade union and working class militants, the movement of the working class suffered several setbacks in the 1930s, but managed to survive and then gradually strengthen itself under the leadership of the political Left, with intermittent but inconsistent support from a section of the leaders of the Indian National Congress. The working class played an important role in the transition to freedom from colonial rule, a wave of industrial action being a prominent feature of the two years on the eve of independence, 1945 and 1946.
2. Working Class Movement in Independent India prior to neoliberal economic reforms, 1950 to 1990
The national and international context at the time of India’s independence was conducive to the relatively autonomous development of capitalism in India. For over three decades, the Indian ruling classes did attempt such a path of development. While this path, based in the first instance on stimulus to growth from public investment, import substitution and limited land reforms, did produce a rate of economic growth and diversification of industrial activities that was impressive in relation to the stagnation of the colonial period, it ran into a crisis by the mid 1960s, and the economy was characterized by relative stagnation from the mid 1960s to the end of the 1970s. The roots of the crisis lay in the fact that the Indian bourgeoisie compromised with landlordism and imperialism, with the result that neither the agrarian revolution could be completed nor the fight against imperialism carried forward consistently. However, during this phase of economic development from the early 1950s to the end of the 1970s, the working class expanded significantly and the working class movement made rapid strides as well.
The impressive achievements of the working class and trade union movement in this phase become evident when one recalls that during colonial rule, well into the twentieth century, fifteen hour working days were common in factories and the daily real wage was often poorer than the daily prison rations. Despite the systematic attempt by the Congress after independence to split every one of the mass organizations that had been under one banner during the freedom movement, and despite serious ideological differences within the Left movement itself, militant and united trade union struggles took place through the turbulent 1970s, thanks to the maturity of the leadership of the most militant segments of the trade union movement in that period, the high points of that decade being the formation of the United Council of Trade Unions (UCTU) and the historic strike of railway workers.
By the end of the 1970s, major changes occurred in the international economy. Massive building up of financial surpluses in the hands of the global transnational corporations following thirty years of uninterrupted growth at about 5 % per annum compound of the world from the end of the second world war, the petro-dollar accumulation in the metropolitan banking system following the massive increases in the price of crude oil in 1973 and 1978, and the vast expansion in the various funds emerging from the savings of workers and employees for the post retirement phase of their lives all led to the rise of finance capital on an unprecedented scale. The breakdown of the international monetary system evolved at the Bretton Woods conference of 1944 where the World Bank and the IMF were created, and the simultaneous revolution in information and communications technology led to the emergence of a world economy in which highly centralized, large finance capital acquired enormous power.
The 1980s saw both the rise of finance capital and the massive attack on trade unions and working class rights on both sides of the Atlantic-the USA and the UK. The new international conjuncture provided the Indian bourgeoisie the opportunity to borrow from international financial institutions, both official (World Bank, IMF etc.) and private (such as commercial banks), and embark upon a loan-financed expansion of government expenditure to stimulate economic growth. Acceptance of large scale international loans, beginning with the 5 billion SDR loan from the IMF in 1981, brought with them strong conditionalities requiring reining in of wages and rising administered prices. The early1980s saw a major attack on trade union rights in India, with the passing of the National Security Act (NSA) and the Essential Services Maintenance Act (ESMA). Sustained and militant struggles of the working class sought to stem the rising tide of repression.
3. Working Class Movement and Neoliberal Reforms, 1991-2009
By the end of the 1980s, the global tide of reaction had been greatly strengthened by the smashing of militant trade unions in USA and UK and the weakening and ultimate collapse of the socialist economies of Eastern Europe, with imperialism playing a key role in these events. The restoration of capitalism in Russia and the break-up of the USSR by 1991 made the international situation dramatically different from what it had been between 1950 and 1980. Meanwhile, the policies of loan-financed government expenditure and import liberalization of the 1980s led India into a twin crisis- a fiscal crunch and collapse of the balance of payments-by 1991, brought forward by massive capital flight in early 1991. This provided the minority Congress government of Narasimha Rao the excuse to effect a major shift in economic policies in favour of foreign finance capital.
Popularly known as LPG –L for liberalization, P for privatization and G for globalization-policies, the economic reforms have entailed removal of most norms of accountability of private capital in the name of deregulation, opening up of vast new spaces for profit-centered operations in fields as diverse as education, health and infrastructure in the name of privatization, and the relatively unrestricted movement of goods, services and finance into and out of India. The period of neoliberal reforms has been by far the most challenging period for the Indian working class movement. With the State lining up strongly behind both international and domestic large capital, and ignoring the interests of working people, both rural and urban, altogether, the working class has had to fight a defensive battle, especially with the collapse of socialism in many countries and a strong ideological offensive mounted by a triumphant capitalist order.
In retrospect, and contrary to claims made sometimes that the neoliberal order has more or less eliminated resistance, with even such resistance as has been mounted by the political Left being largely ‘tokenist’, it is remarkable that the working class movement in India under Left leadership has managed to sustain its struggles and retain its base among working people, having successfully carried out major partial and general industrial strike actions over the last decade and a half. The electoral verdict of 2004 and the impact of the Left on government policies in the period 2004-2009 stand testimony to the resilience of the Indian working class movement under trying conditions. While the neoliberal policy framework remains in place, the ruling classes have also had to concede ground in a number of instances. Thus, the UPA 1 regime which began by notifying the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act three days before presenting its first budget in July 2004 ended its first term by passing two important Acts-the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act-in versions that had been improved substantially by the intervention of progressive forces both inside and outside the Parliament.
The UPA began its second term in office by admitting the role of such measures as the national rural employment guarantee scheme (NREGS) and the Farm Loan Waiver in its electoral victory, thus attributing the victory not to neoliberal policies but to potentially pro-people interventions. It would of course be completely wrong to suggest that the government has moved away from neoliberal policies. On the contrary, its panic stricken measures to further liberalise the financial sector and open it up to speculative forces of global finance indicate that even while advanced capitalist economies are seeking greater regulation of private players in the wake of the global economic crisis, our rulers remain firmly committed to disastrous neoliberal policies. The government has also repeatedly declared its commitment to privatization of even profit-making public sector enterprises. But it is important to understand that the slowing down of the reform juggernaut preceded the global economic crisis and is in substantial measure due to the active resistance put up against these policies by the working class movement led by the political Left in our country
4. Challenges Ahead
The point of the foregoing narrative is not to encourage any sense of complacency about the progress of the working class movement, but merely to recall its resilience during a phase when objective conditions-both national and international-have forced it to be on the defensive. In fact, as should be obvious, the working class movement in India faces immense challenges. First of all, the very structure of India’s workforce highlights the complexity that the movement has to confront. As of 2004-05, India’s workforce was estimated at nearly 460 million. Of these, only 70 million were in any kind of regular employment. Another 130 million were casual or contract wage workers. But the majority of India’s working people-the remaining 260 million-were in fact ‘self-employed’, being for the most part tiny producers or persons forced to engage in some income earning activity on their own for a pittance, given the absence of any kind of social security for the poor in our country. Such increase in employment as has taken place since the late 1990s has been either in the informal sector or in informal employment in the formal sector.
Absolute levels of formal employment in the organized manufacturing sector have shown no rise for over a decade, despite high rates of growth of manufacturing output. The share of wages in gross value added in manufacturing has been declining steadily since the early 1980s. A significant part of the country’s workforce-including the wage employed- is at very low levels of education. A substantial part of the working population is linked to land and to pre-capitalist relations.
Ideologically, the forces of obscurantism and of identity politics continue to exercise a strong influence even on the segments of the working population including industrial workers that are part of the technologically advanced sectors of the economy. Divisions of caste, religion, language and ethnicity have not disappeared, and continue to influence the consciousness of workers, thus making the task of developing the class and political consciousness of the working class a major challenge. Where the democratic movement has advanced through decades of struggle, there is emerging an all-in unity of the most reactionary forces against it. Neoliberal policies, while deepening the crisis of working people’s lives, also provide a fertile soil for growth of divisive forces that make it even more difficult to build the unity of the working class and of the broader sections of working people.
It is only through a relentless struggle against both neoliberal policies and obscurantist forces of all hues that the working class movement will be able to go forward. The current global economic crisis and the bankruptcy of neoliberalism that it has exposed as well as the present disarray in the camp of obscurantism may well be an opportunity that the working class movement can seize to go forward. However, this demands also that the working class movement must carry with it the overwhelming mass of petty producers including the peasantry but without succumbing to the political illusions of petty commodity production or romantic conceptions concerning the dynamics of social change that tend to underplay the role of science and productive forces.
[1] Interestingly, the emergence of the Ahemdabad Textile Labour Association, at about the same time, represented a very different response to dealing with the conflict between Capital and Labour. Formed with the blessings of Mahatma Gandhi, the ATLA was based upon the paternalistic notion that employers and workers were one family, and the employers as the heads of the families should treat their children, the workers, kindly, while the workers should accept the parental status of their employers and obey them. Historical experience has shown the irrelevance of the ATLA model
Tuesday, October 20, 2009
Unorganised workers Struggle
Karnataka: CITU led workers protest lead to brutal lathicharge on CPIM leaders, Agitators arrested
The Unorganized workers led by Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) held a picketing programme on Sep 16th throughout Karnataka. Besides other demands, they were demanding the government to fix a minimum monthly wage of Rs. 10,000/- in Bangalore and Rs. 6,000/- in remaining places of Karnataka. The unorganized workers held demonstration in about 165 taluks out of 175 taluks in the state. In atleast 75 taluks, the protest was consistently carried on for 5 days. More than 70% of the protesters were women. The fury of the unorganized workers against the State BJP govt. could be gazed from the fact that even after repressive lathicharge, workers stood like rock solid till their arrested leaders were released. The unorganized workers included Anganavadi workers, Midday meal workers, gram panchayath employees, etc.
When the workers seized the offices of the Deputy Commissioner, the police resorted to violent lathicharge throughout the state and in atleast 4 districts – Raichur, Gulbarga, Hassan, Bellary - workers were subjected violent repression. The women workers were inhumanely manhandled by the male police. Women police were never deployed to deal with the women workers. Leaders and workers were arrested and kept in several jails across the state. The workers who got bail and thus released were again subjected to “Body Warrant” by the police. The whole state was shell-shocked to see this violent treatment meted out to the workers by the police. The State Human rights commission Chairman issued statement that he would initiate proceedings against such brutal violence against the workers who were demanding their rightful wages.
The Main demands of the unorganized workers are: Regularise the services of contract and daily wagers, Companies should stop layoffs, payoffs, retrenchment and closure and give compensation to the labourers, Fill vacancies in all the depts., Stipend to unemployed youths, Extend all the facilities on par with government employees, Provide residential quarters, Issue BPL ration cards, Job security, pension for each worker, Ensure stability in the prices of essential commodities and punish the hoarders, At least one member of each displaced family of national or state projects should be absorbed in govt services, Withdrawal of recruitment on contract basis, Non-privatisation of midday meal scheme, Making all labour laws applicable to the sector
CITU has warned the state government that unless the demands of the unorganized workers were met within Oct. 6th on which Chief Minister has called for the meeting with CITU, it would organize a state wide protest in all the taluk headquarters on 15th Oct.
Condemned
The CITU, Karnataka State Committee, condemned the lathi-charge and arrest of unorganised sector workers who were on a State-wide agitation. The CITU urged the Government to meet the demands of the protesters besides taking action against the police officials responsible for the lathi-charge.
In a joint statement, CITU General Secretary V.J.K. Nair, secretaries S. Prasanna Kumar and S. Varalakshmi, said that the workers of unorganised sectors staged a five-day dharna in 165 taluks from September 7, urging the Government to fulfil their demands. Opposing the Government’s inaction on the issue, over 75,000 workers held demonstrations on Tuesday in front of the office of the deputy commissioners in all districts.
CITU leaders said that the police had lathi-charged peaceful agitators which had resulted in severe injuries to three in Gulbarga, six in Raichur and more than 10 in Hassan and other places. “Women activists were also beaten up and policemen behaved rudely with them,” they alleged, in a release.
Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) and Students’ Federation of India (SFI) have called for a State-wide agitation on Wednesday in protest against the incidents.
- Jayakumar
The Unorganized workers led by Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) held a picketing programme on Sep 16th throughout Karnataka. Besides other demands, they were demanding the government to fix a minimum monthly wage of Rs. 10,000/- in Bangalore and Rs. 6,000/- in remaining places of Karnataka. The unorganized workers held demonstration in about 165 taluks out of 175 taluks in the state. In atleast 75 taluks, the protest was consistently carried on for 5 days. More than 70% of the protesters were women. The fury of the unorganized workers against the State BJP govt. could be gazed from the fact that even after repressive lathicharge, workers stood like rock solid till their arrested leaders were released. The unorganized workers included Anganavadi workers, Midday meal workers, gram panchayath employees, etc.
When the workers seized the offices of the Deputy Commissioner, the police resorted to violent lathicharge throughout the state and in atleast 4 districts – Raichur, Gulbarga, Hassan, Bellary - workers were subjected violent repression. The women workers were inhumanely manhandled by the male police. Women police were never deployed to deal with the women workers. Leaders and workers were arrested and kept in several jails across the state. The workers who got bail and thus released were again subjected to “Body Warrant” by the police. The whole state was shell-shocked to see this violent treatment meted out to the workers by the police. The State Human rights commission Chairman issued statement that he would initiate proceedings against such brutal violence against the workers who were demanding their rightful wages.
The Main demands of the unorganized workers are: Regularise the services of contract and daily wagers, Companies should stop layoffs, payoffs, retrenchment and closure and give compensation to the labourers, Fill vacancies in all the depts., Stipend to unemployed youths, Extend all the facilities on par with government employees, Provide residential quarters, Issue BPL ration cards, Job security, pension for each worker, Ensure stability in the prices of essential commodities and punish the hoarders, At least one member of each displaced family of national or state projects should be absorbed in govt services, Withdrawal of recruitment on contract basis, Non-privatisation of midday meal scheme, Making all labour laws applicable to the sector
CITU has warned the state government that unless the demands of the unorganized workers were met within Oct. 6th on which Chief Minister has called for the meeting with CITU, it would organize a state wide protest in all the taluk headquarters on 15th Oct.
Condemned
The CITU, Karnataka State Committee, condemned the lathi-charge and arrest of unorganised sector workers who were on a State-wide agitation. The CITU urged the Government to meet the demands of the protesters besides taking action against the police officials responsible for the lathi-charge.
In a joint statement, CITU General Secretary V.J.K. Nair, secretaries S. Prasanna Kumar and S. Varalakshmi, said that the workers of unorganised sectors staged a five-day dharna in 165 taluks from September 7, urging the Government to fulfil their demands. Opposing the Government’s inaction on the issue, over 75,000 workers held demonstrations on Tuesday in front of the office of the deputy commissioners in all districts.
CITU leaders said that the police had lathi-charged peaceful agitators which had resulted in severe injuries to three in Gulbarga, six in Raichur and more than 10 in Hassan and other places. “Women activists were also beaten up and policemen behaved rudely with them,” they alleged, in a release.
Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) and Students’ Federation of India (SFI) have called for a State-wide agitation on Wednesday in protest against the incidents.
- Jayakumar
Unorganised workers struggle in Karnataka
STATE REPRESSION OF SEPTEMBER STRUGGLE OF KARNATAKA WORKERS
Just as the `id of March’ made significant by Shakespeare in Julius Caesar the `id of September’ became etched in the History of Working Class Struggle and popular movement in Karnataka. Although, not named exactly so, the term September Struggle is on the lips of several thousands already in Karnataka
Unorganized Sector Workers Struggle
15th September, 09 all over the state almost every district head quarters witnessed thousands of women and fewer men marching in the streets with raging red flags held high and their rendering slogans pressing for solution to their distress of low wages, rising prices, security of employment, social security and so on.
The town folk and district administrators who had been continuously alerted earlier looked diffident, as they expected nothing more than `processions’ (which according to many of the onlookers and the police are nothing but nuisance, and the district administrators only thought that as usual they will be kept shouting and the `busy’ officials will have to just come out or send someone out receive the memorandum and `assure them’ that the matters will be looked into, and there the batter would end.
Thorough Preparations
More than two years preparations, tirelessly done over an idea conceptualized earlier was based on the concrete analysis of the concrete conditions subjecting the working people to penury and destitution, amidst roaring profits for the corporate rich and roaring prices oppressing the masses and depressing wages which is at the base of the whole system. The struggles, visualized thirty years ago tried with sure impact starting from 1979 Hotel Workers, through to Unorganized workers in Bangalore and the plantation area in 1988, extended through Northern Karnataka by participation of Handloom Weavers in Nov 1993 Struggle in Bangalore, suffering a setback and lull for over a decade, is once again taken up with full vigor and commitment.
The current phase was well prepared starting with Raichur Class in June 2007 laying the basis for preparations, planned struggle held back due to fall of Kumaraswamy Govt, the lotus wave, illusions in the mind of people etc. It was taken up afresh from Nov 2008 onwards, through massive signature campaign launched on Nov 7th, 2008 all over the state. One Million signatures were collected throughout the state, half a lakh workers Marched to Bangalore on 5th February, 2008, serving the notice and submitting the petitions. It was received on behalf of the Government in a Mass Rally of over 40,000 workers that day in Bangalore. The picketing of Taluk Offices on 5th March in protest area wise conventions etc preceded the September Struggle.
It did not happen that way on the id of September. And the TV screens of all those who were tuned to Kannada Channels sough for themselves the savage attacks of the police force at Hassan, before noon and there was no stop thereafter. It continued for three days, Raichur and followed by it Gulbarga bursting on the TV screens and the normal take it easy Kannada psyche wondering in disbelief, and learning that it is not just an incident but a well prepared struggle raging throughout the state.
First time in the History: the spread and intensity
Of the 175 taluks in Karnataka, at 75 taluks for five days the Dharna took place on all the five days from September 7th to 11th, and from these taluks came the Marchers to the District Head Quarters on 15-17 September. Including these 75 taluks, the Dharnas were held from a single day to four days: Thus 161 out of 175 taluks saw the red flags fluttering almost at the same time for issues affecting the Class as a Whole, in turn the People as a Whole. The 15th September Struggle was staged in all but one District Head Quarters of Karnataka, numbering 28.
The impact was special when the women, the Anganwadi workers, the mid day meals workers, the Beedi workers with Hamlaies, Gram Panchayat Workers pressed forward in the struggle. They pressed forward, suffering at times temporary retreats, regrouped further leading to intense struggle everywhere in places where the local leadership acted correctly.
The workers did not disburse for three days, at a place like Hassan they sat through day and night, in drizzle and rain, cooked their food, and disbursed only after they got the arrested leaders released. All these were lively broadcast in Karnataka. Workers elsewhere pressurized their local leadership for much better and fruitful participation.
It has shown that when the correct idea grips the minds of masses they themselves will take the struggle forward.
The Impact
The KARNATAKA UNORGANISED WORKERS STRUGGLE became the topic of discussion in almost every house, office and even streets. It is not merely for the reason of the police brutality, the callousness of the administrators, the plight of the toiling people, but also the fact that the people understood that these valiant fighters are not just fighting for themselves but in the interest of the entire people. After all the people are suffering with roaring prices, low income, high costs for all services, and here are women and men on the streets raising the slogans which they should have all raised, getting beaten up, yet not abandoning the struggle.
The people witnessed for once that at almost every place where the police tried to disburse the agitators, mostly women, resisted such pressures, regrouped in waves after waves. And the first place where it burst forth at Hassan the determination of women refusing to vacate the premises, squatting day and night, in the downpour, cooking food on the spot serving themselves, and engaged in ditch battles till their leaders are released.
The leadership quality of the participants was clearly seen at places the attack was severe. Where the district administrations were understanding they kept the agitation going out of hand, yet the pressure of the agitators brought situation to the brink as at Bellary, Kolar, Mandya, Mysore, Karwar and so on.
The Struggling thousands continued mostly in the district head quarters where the officials were diffident schemy and acted brutal. And in other places it continued on the 16th as well in the form of protests etc. At Raichur there was a bundh on 16th in response. At the call of the state leadership there was renewed pressure on 17th all over again and this phase ended with the Labor Minister coming to the agitators and their leaders at Bangalore and announcing dates for discussions with the Chief Minister on 6th or 7th of October.
A Respite
The state leaders announced a respite with holding further demonstrations and the results of the discussions are awaited as these lines are written. The CITU State leadership has made it clear that unless a solution is found to the low wages, security of employment, social security, statutory regulation of contract, rationing, house sites, implementation of labor laws and relief / compensation to the workers who are thrown out as a result of closures of factories or stoppage of employment under govt. schemes, CITU is determined to raise the struggles to further and further.
Keeping the powder dry
Even as the announcement was made about the possibility of negotiations workers all over the state have shown the intentions that they are ready to face whatever the situation. And has kept up the determination, spirits and preparations high to launch many more struggles, until demands, general and that of each and every sections is achieved, the state punish guilty officials, withdraw the false cases, and show genuine concern for the welfare of the people, which is expected of them.
SEPTEMBER STRUGGLE DID NOT JUST HAPPEN IT WAS THE RESULT OF OBJECTIVE SITUATION WHICH COMMITTS MILLIONS SEARCHING FOR SOLUTIONS, TENS OF THOUSANDS WILLING TO RESPOND AND THE TIRELESS EFFORTS OF HUNDREDS OF ACTIVISTS AND THE DETERMINATION & RESTLESS MIND LEADING THE WHOLE STRUGGLE.
HOWEVER IT HAS ENCOUNTERED NEW PROBLEMS IN THAT OF THE SITUATION FACING THE PEOPLE OF KARNATAKA ON EVEN MORE CHALLENGING JOB, THIS TIME FACING THE AFTERMATH OF NATURE’S FURY AND FAILURE OF GOVERMENTS TO RISE TO THE OCCASION.
END OF SEPTEMBER & NEW SITUATION
Even as the above lines were composed for publication on 30th September, the nature’s fury happened in Northern Karnataka. .The nature’s fury unleashed across Northern Karnataka, starting from 30th September, went on unabated for three to four days. The area that got battered most severe happened to be the area the new wave of struggle were witnessed. The Krishna Basin, sweeping across north of Tungabhadra River, downstream of the Tungabhadra Dam, with parts of Bellary and Koppal, sweeping to the North, Bagalkot swept by two tributaries to Krishna, Malaprabha and Ghataprabha, in the South and Krishna itself in its North with Narayanpura Dam where Kudala Sangama is located, and Bijapur usually the driest area through which five rivers flow to the North and the Raichur Doab between Tungabhadra and Krishna as also Gulbarga further North where Bheema itself a Tributary to Krishna and several rivulets discharge to them all bore the brunt of the battering.
The RAIN HAVOC, loss of over two hundred lives, destruction of more than two lakhs houses, etc has created an insurmountable difficulty for the people. The three districts of Bellary, Raichur, Gulbarga where the September Struggle had serious impact, along with Bagalkot and Bijapur in which districts the struggle was well prepared and was bracing for another wave of struggles, suffered the most in the Rain Havoc.
The meeting fixed earlier by CM on 6th October got postponed indefinitely, in the wake of the Disaster and the state leadership has turned their attention on Relief, Resettlement etc. all over the State. The State Capital and other districts like Hassan where the struggle was well conducted and which invited the first fury of the police have switched the mode to street collection of money and relief materials.
The talks are expected any time and further course adopted keeping in mind the mood of the people. One of the eight demands i.e. Right to Food, has acquired a new dimension, enhanced and not diminished by the Disaster.
Un daunting Task
Originally planned to be taken up as a continuation for which the September struggle was waged earlier, is further being taken up by holding a Convention on Right to Food on 26th October at Bangalore: this time in the name of Left Parties. By then it might become possible to pick up a new tempo by CITU if the talks are held.
Whatever happened, people’s struggle, nature fury etc, the distress of the people only got enhanced and it is upto the leadership to brace them to the occasion and act in the interest of the people through their own organization and direct participation.
In this the Karnataka Workers aided by the peasants and other sections will not be wanting.
VJK Nair
Just as the `id of March’ made significant by Shakespeare in Julius Caesar the `id of September’ became etched in the History of Working Class Struggle and popular movement in Karnataka. Although, not named exactly so, the term September Struggle is on the lips of several thousands already in Karnataka
Unorganized Sector Workers Struggle
15th September, 09 all over the state almost every district head quarters witnessed thousands of women and fewer men marching in the streets with raging red flags held high and their rendering slogans pressing for solution to their distress of low wages, rising prices, security of employment, social security and so on.
The town folk and district administrators who had been continuously alerted earlier looked diffident, as they expected nothing more than `processions’ (which according to many of the onlookers and the police are nothing but nuisance, and the district administrators only thought that as usual they will be kept shouting and the `busy’ officials will have to just come out or send someone out receive the memorandum and `assure them’ that the matters will be looked into, and there the batter would end.
Thorough Preparations
More than two years preparations, tirelessly done over an idea conceptualized earlier was based on the concrete analysis of the concrete conditions subjecting the working people to penury and destitution, amidst roaring profits for the corporate rich and roaring prices oppressing the masses and depressing wages which is at the base of the whole system. The struggles, visualized thirty years ago tried with sure impact starting from 1979 Hotel Workers, through to Unorganized workers in Bangalore and the plantation area in 1988, extended through Northern Karnataka by participation of Handloom Weavers in Nov 1993 Struggle in Bangalore, suffering a setback and lull for over a decade, is once again taken up with full vigor and commitment.
The current phase was well prepared starting with Raichur Class in June 2007 laying the basis for preparations, planned struggle held back due to fall of Kumaraswamy Govt, the lotus wave, illusions in the mind of people etc. It was taken up afresh from Nov 2008 onwards, through massive signature campaign launched on Nov 7th, 2008 all over the state. One Million signatures were collected throughout the state, half a lakh workers Marched to Bangalore on 5th February, 2008, serving the notice and submitting the petitions. It was received on behalf of the Government in a Mass Rally of over 40,000 workers that day in Bangalore. The picketing of Taluk Offices on 5th March in protest area wise conventions etc preceded the September Struggle.
It did not happen that way on the id of September. And the TV screens of all those who were tuned to Kannada Channels sough for themselves the savage attacks of the police force at Hassan, before noon and there was no stop thereafter. It continued for three days, Raichur and followed by it Gulbarga bursting on the TV screens and the normal take it easy Kannada psyche wondering in disbelief, and learning that it is not just an incident but a well prepared struggle raging throughout the state.
First time in the History: the spread and intensity
Of the 175 taluks in Karnataka, at 75 taluks for five days the Dharna took place on all the five days from September 7th to 11th, and from these taluks came the Marchers to the District Head Quarters on 15-17 September. Including these 75 taluks, the Dharnas were held from a single day to four days: Thus 161 out of 175 taluks saw the red flags fluttering almost at the same time for issues affecting the Class as a Whole, in turn the People as a Whole. The 15th September Struggle was staged in all but one District Head Quarters of Karnataka, numbering 28.
The impact was special when the women, the Anganwadi workers, the mid day meals workers, the Beedi workers with Hamlaies, Gram Panchayat Workers pressed forward in the struggle. They pressed forward, suffering at times temporary retreats, regrouped further leading to intense struggle everywhere in places where the local leadership acted correctly.
The workers did not disburse for three days, at a place like Hassan they sat through day and night, in drizzle and rain, cooked their food, and disbursed only after they got the arrested leaders released. All these were lively broadcast in Karnataka. Workers elsewhere pressurized their local leadership for much better and fruitful participation.
It has shown that when the correct idea grips the minds of masses they themselves will take the struggle forward.
The Impact
The KARNATAKA UNORGANISED WORKERS STRUGGLE became the topic of discussion in almost every house, office and even streets. It is not merely for the reason of the police brutality, the callousness of the administrators, the plight of the toiling people, but also the fact that the people understood that these valiant fighters are not just fighting for themselves but in the interest of the entire people. After all the people are suffering with roaring prices, low income, high costs for all services, and here are women and men on the streets raising the slogans which they should have all raised, getting beaten up, yet not abandoning the struggle.
The people witnessed for once that at almost every place where the police tried to disburse the agitators, mostly women, resisted such pressures, regrouped in waves after waves. And the first place where it burst forth at Hassan the determination of women refusing to vacate the premises, squatting day and night, in the downpour, cooking food on the spot serving themselves, and engaged in ditch battles till their leaders are released.
The leadership quality of the participants was clearly seen at places the attack was severe. Where the district administrations were understanding they kept the agitation going out of hand, yet the pressure of the agitators brought situation to the brink as at Bellary, Kolar, Mandya, Mysore, Karwar and so on.
The Struggling thousands continued mostly in the district head quarters where the officials were diffident schemy and acted brutal. And in other places it continued on the 16th as well in the form of protests etc. At Raichur there was a bundh on 16th in response. At the call of the state leadership there was renewed pressure on 17th all over again and this phase ended with the Labor Minister coming to the agitators and their leaders at Bangalore and announcing dates for discussions with the Chief Minister on 6th or 7th of October.
A Respite
The state leaders announced a respite with holding further demonstrations and the results of the discussions are awaited as these lines are written. The CITU State leadership has made it clear that unless a solution is found to the low wages, security of employment, social security, statutory regulation of contract, rationing, house sites, implementation of labor laws and relief / compensation to the workers who are thrown out as a result of closures of factories or stoppage of employment under govt. schemes, CITU is determined to raise the struggles to further and further.
Keeping the powder dry
Even as the announcement was made about the possibility of negotiations workers all over the state have shown the intentions that they are ready to face whatever the situation. And has kept up the determination, spirits and preparations high to launch many more struggles, until demands, general and that of each and every sections is achieved, the state punish guilty officials, withdraw the false cases, and show genuine concern for the welfare of the people, which is expected of them.
SEPTEMBER STRUGGLE DID NOT JUST HAPPEN IT WAS THE RESULT OF OBJECTIVE SITUATION WHICH COMMITTS MILLIONS SEARCHING FOR SOLUTIONS, TENS OF THOUSANDS WILLING TO RESPOND AND THE TIRELESS EFFORTS OF HUNDREDS OF ACTIVISTS AND THE DETERMINATION & RESTLESS MIND LEADING THE WHOLE STRUGGLE.
HOWEVER IT HAS ENCOUNTERED NEW PROBLEMS IN THAT OF THE SITUATION FACING THE PEOPLE OF KARNATAKA ON EVEN MORE CHALLENGING JOB, THIS TIME FACING THE AFTERMATH OF NATURE’S FURY AND FAILURE OF GOVERMENTS TO RISE TO THE OCCASION.
END OF SEPTEMBER & NEW SITUATION
Even as the above lines were composed for publication on 30th September, the nature’s fury happened in Northern Karnataka. .The nature’s fury unleashed across Northern Karnataka, starting from 30th September, went on unabated for three to four days. The area that got battered most severe happened to be the area the new wave of struggle were witnessed. The Krishna Basin, sweeping across north of Tungabhadra River, downstream of the Tungabhadra Dam, with parts of Bellary and Koppal, sweeping to the North, Bagalkot swept by two tributaries to Krishna, Malaprabha and Ghataprabha, in the South and Krishna itself in its North with Narayanpura Dam where Kudala Sangama is located, and Bijapur usually the driest area through which five rivers flow to the North and the Raichur Doab between Tungabhadra and Krishna as also Gulbarga further North where Bheema itself a Tributary to Krishna and several rivulets discharge to them all bore the brunt of the battering.
The RAIN HAVOC, loss of over two hundred lives, destruction of more than two lakhs houses, etc has created an insurmountable difficulty for the people. The three districts of Bellary, Raichur, Gulbarga where the September Struggle had serious impact, along with Bagalkot and Bijapur in which districts the struggle was well prepared and was bracing for another wave of struggles, suffered the most in the Rain Havoc.
The meeting fixed earlier by CM on 6th October got postponed indefinitely, in the wake of the Disaster and the state leadership has turned their attention on Relief, Resettlement etc. all over the State. The State Capital and other districts like Hassan where the struggle was well conducted and which invited the first fury of the police have switched the mode to street collection of money and relief materials.
The talks are expected any time and further course adopted keeping in mind the mood of the people. One of the eight demands i.e. Right to Food, has acquired a new dimension, enhanced and not diminished by the Disaster.
Un daunting Task
Originally planned to be taken up as a continuation for which the September struggle was waged earlier, is further being taken up by holding a Convention on Right to Food on 26th October at Bangalore: this time in the name of Left Parties. By then it might become possible to pick up a new tempo by CITU if the talks are held.
Whatever happened, people’s struggle, nature fury etc, the distress of the people only got enhanced and it is upto the leadership to brace them to the occasion and act in the interest of the people through their own organization and direct participation.
In this the Karnataka Workers aided by the peasants and other sections will not be wanting.
VJK Nair
BSNL Stike
The Historic Strike by BSNL Workers
- V.A.N. Namboodiri , General Secretary, BSNL Employees Union
The 48 hours strike on 19-20 August, 2009, by more than two lakh non-executive workers in BSNL, demanding early wage revision, Promotion Policy, wage settlement for Casual & Contract Workers, full pensionary benefits for BSNL retirees etc. was a magnificent success. It gave shock waves to the management, whose adamant, unreasonable and unjustified stand was the main reason that compelled the workers to resort to the strike.
Discrimination against Non-executives
BSNL is one of the biggest PSUs in the country with about 3 lakh employees including officers. There are about one lakh casual and contract workers engaged by the company since no major recruitment has taken place for the last 20 years due to ban on recruitment. The top level management at Corporate office and Circles (States) are occupied by about 1500 ITS officers, who are still not absorbed in BSNL even after 8 years, but are on deputation and getting both the benefits of government service and PSU salary. Their pay revision w.e.f. 01.01.2006 have already been effected one year back and huge arrears drawn. The minimum salary of CMD was raised from Rs. 27,750 to Rs. 80,000 and maximum from Rs. 31,150 to 1,25,0000. Similar increase has been given to Chief General Managers, etc. The pay revision of about 60,000 executives of the middle level management is also effected w.e.f. 01.01.2007, more than 6 months back and arrears also drawn and paid.
In the case of non-executive workers, who number about two and half lakhs, the management has been taking an adamant and unreasonable stand that they have no right for negotiation but should accept whatever is offered by the management. Their bureaucratic mindset has not so far changed. No trade union can accept such an irrational stand. BSNL Employees Union, the only recognized and representative union in BSNL and other six Unions allied with it, submitted memorandum with fully justified demands for early revision. However, the management delayed negotiation on the plea that approval from DoT, the administrative ministry, is required to start negotiation.
Negative stand of management
On the threat of strike notice for 11-12 December 2008, negotiation started. But since there was not even a single Director of the Board in the Committee no decision could be taken. The union was compelled to give another strike notice for another strike on 19-20 May 2009.The strike was deferred after the management agreed to pay six months pay advance and House Rent Allowance at higher rates as recommended the II Pay Revision Committee. It was assured by management that the wage revision will be settled expeditiously.
Instead of agreeing to the justified demands of the employees i.e. fitment benefit as per top executives for pay + DP + DA (78.2%) ordered by government and Department of Public Enterprises, management proposed lower fixation benefit with 10 years periodicity. The main demand of the union was that the periodicity of wage revision should be 5 years. On the background of the strike notice issued for 7th May 2008, the Prime Minister has called the Central Trade unions and had assured that the periodicity can be from 10 years upto 5 years. The Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) has issued orders to that effect. Despite all these, the management is refusing to agree to 5 year periodicity. In order to delay further, the matter was referred to DoT. The negative and adamant attitude of management resulted in the workers going on strike on 19-20 August 2009.
Magnificent Strike
The Strike was a complete success with maximum workers participating. NFTE (AITUC) and FNTO (INTUC) opposed the strike, stating that they are prepared to accept whatever is offered by the management. They also opposed that the issues of contract/casual workers and BSNL pensioners are included in the demands. According to them, unions should raise only the demand of the regular workers.
Further, they surrendered to the advice of the management to collect declarations from the workers stating that whatever has been offered by management is acceptable. But when NFTE and FNTO leaders went to get signatures on these forms, the workers completely rejected. They could not collect declarations even from one percent of workers. BSNLEU had earlier approached all these unions to join the strike but they had declined. Instead, they propagated against the strike. Despite the combined conspiracy of the management and these scab unions, the workers participation was full.
The strike spread like wildfire all over India. All the offices and exchanges stood closed in the six North Eastern States (Tripura, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur), Assam, West Bengal, Kolkata Telephones and Kerala and no employee attended duty. Strike was more than 90% in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa etc. All over India more than 80% workers participated in the strike.
The entire customer service centres, fault repairs, marketing etc. were at a stop. Only very few top officers could attend office. Many members of the FNTO and NFTE protested against the anti-strike stand of their leaders and resigned from their unions participating in the strike along with other workers.
The Casual and Contract Workers went on strike as per the call of the BSNL Casual Contract Workers Federation. They appreciated the fact their demands were raised in the strike and the regular employees are on strike for settling their demands. The Pensioners Association also supported. In many places the BSNL retirees participated in demonstration and dharna.
The management brought police force in many centres to remove the striking workers who were sitting in dharna or demonstrating in front of their offices. But the workers stood firm and resisted police action. Lady workers took a prominent role in many places.
Support from Trade Unions
CITU, NFPE, BEFI, AIIEA, Confederation of Central Government Employees and Workers, Executive Associations in BSNL and many other organizations fully supported and extended solidarity to the strike. The newspapers and media gave good publicity. In fact, the management was unable to reply to the questions of the media. Their press statement that the services were not affected, did not convince anybody.
Historic Strike
The 48 hours strike has once again shown that the workers will rise to the occasion to defend their interests. Despite the conspiracy of management and scab unions, more than 80% participated in the strike on the call of BSNL Employees Union and United Forum. BSNLEU has won the verification with only 53% of polled votes, but it could get 80% support of workers in the strike. This is a great achievement. This has to be taken forward for further strengthening of the joint movement.
BSNL Employees Union has raised the demands on wage revision as decided by CPSTU (Committee of Public Sector Trade Unions) conventions and started the struggle. The workers want that the periodicity which has been increased from 5 to 10 years should be restored to 5 years.
This struggle has enthusiased and inspired the workers so much that they wanted the strike to be converted to indefinite strike till the issues are settled. But the United Forum took the correct decision to wait for some more time for the management to settle the issues, failing which the unions will have no other course left, but to resort to indefinite strike.
BSNL Employees Union and United Forum express their thanks to all the persons, unions, media and the public who have given all support and extended solidarity to the struggle. We want the management and government to understand the feelings of the workers.
*******
- V.A.N. Namboodiri , General Secretary, BSNL Employees Union
The 48 hours strike on 19-20 August, 2009, by more than two lakh non-executive workers in BSNL, demanding early wage revision, Promotion Policy, wage settlement for Casual & Contract Workers, full pensionary benefits for BSNL retirees etc. was a magnificent success. It gave shock waves to the management, whose adamant, unreasonable and unjustified stand was the main reason that compelled the workers to resort to the strike.
Discrimination against Non-executives
BSNL is one of the biggest PSUs in the country with about 3 lakh employees including officers. There are about one lakh casual and contract workers engaged by the company since no major recruitment has taken place for the last 20 years due to ban on recruitment. The top level management at Corporate office and Circles (States) are occupied by about 1500 ITS officers, who are still not absorbed in BSNL even after 8 years, but are on deputation and getting both the benefits of government service and PSU salary. Their pay revision w.e.f. 01.01.2006 have already been effected one year back and huge arrears drawn. The minimum salary of CMD was raised from Rs. 27,750 to Rs. 80,000 and maximum from Rs. 31,150 to 1,25,0000. Similar increase has been given to Chief General Managers, etc. The pay revision of about 60,000 executives of the middle level management is also effected w.e.f. 01.01.2007, more than 6 months back and arrears also drawn and paid.
In the case of non-executive workers, who number about two and half lakhs, the management has been taking an adamant and unreasonable stand that they have no right for negotiation but should accept whatever is offered by the management. Their bureaucratic mindset has not so far changed. No trade union can accept such an irrational stand. BSNL Employees Union, the only recognized and representative union in BSNL and other six Unions allied with it, submitted memorandum with fully justified demands for early revision. However, the management delayed negotiation on the plea that approval from DoT, the administrative ministry, is required to start negotiation.
Negative stand of management
On the threat of strike notice for 11-12 December 2008, negotiation started. But since there was not even a single Director of the Board in the Committee no decision could be taken. The union was compelled to give another strike notice for another strike on 19-20 May 2009.The strike was deferred after the management agreed to pay six months pay advance and House Rent Allowance at higher rates as recommended the II Pay Revision Committee. It was assured by management that the wage revision will be settled expeditiously.
Instead of agreeing to the justified demands of the employees i.e. fitment benefit as per top executives for pay + DP + DA (78.2%) ordered by government and Department of Public Enterprises, management proposed lower fixation benefit with 10 years periodicity. The main demand of the union was that the periodicity of wage revision should be 5 years. On the background of the strike notice issued for 7th May 2008, the Prime Minister has called the Central Trade unions and had assured that the periodicity can be from 10 years upto 5 years. The Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) has issued orders to that effect. Despite all these, the management is refusing to agree to 5 year periodicity. In order to delay further, the matter was referred to DoT. The negative and adamant attitude of management resulted in the workers going on strike on 19-20 August 2009.
Magnificent Strike
The Strike was a complete success with maximum workers participating. NFTE (AITUC) and FNTO (INTUC) opposed the strike, stating that they are prepared to accept whatever is offered by the management. They also opposed that the issues of contract/casual workers and BSNL pensioners are included in the demands. According to them, unions should raise only the demand of the regular workers.
Further, they surrendered to the advice of the management to collect declarations from the workers stating that whatever has been offered by management is acceptable. But when NFTE and FNTO leaders went to get signatures on these forms, the workers completely rejected. They could not collect declarations even from one percent of workers. BSNLEU had earlier approached all these unions to join the strike but they had declined. Instead, they propagated against the strike. Despite the combined conspiracy of the management and these scab unions, the workers participation was full.
The strike spread like wildfire all over India. All the offices and exchanges stood closed in the six North Eastern States (Tripura, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur), Assam, West Bengal, Kolkata Telephones and Kerala and no employee attended duty. Strike was more than 90% in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa etc. All over India more than 80% workers participated in the strike.
The entire customer service centres, fault repairs, marketing etc. were at a stop. Only very few top officers could attend office. Many members of the FNTO and NFTE protested against the anti-strike stand of their leaders and resigned from their unions participating in the strike along with other workers.
The Casual and Contract Workers went on strike as per the call of the BSNL Casual Contract Workers Federation. They appreciated the fact their demands were raised in the strike and the regular employees are on strike for settling their demands. The Pensioners Association also supported. In many places the BSNL retirees participated in demonstration and dharna.
The management brought police force in many centres to remove the striking workers who were sitting in dharna or demonstrating in front of their offices. But the workers stood firm and resisted police action. Lady workers took a prominent role in many places.
Support from Trade Unions
CITU, NFPE, BEFI, AIIEA, Confederation of Central Government Employees and Workers, Executive Associations in BSNL and many other organizations fully supported and extended solidarity to the strike. The newspapers and media gave good publicity. In fact, the management was unable to reply to the questions of the media. Their press statement that the services were not affected, did not convince anybody.
Historic Strike
The 48 hours strike has once again shown that the workers will rise to the occasion to defend their interests. Despite the conspiracy of management and scab unions, more than 80% participated in the strike on the call of BSNL Employees Union and United Forum. BSNLEU has won the verification with only 53% of polled votes, but it could get 80% support of workers in the strike. This is a great achievement. This has to be taken forward for further strengthening of the joint movement.
BSNL Employees Union has raised the demands on wage revision as decided by CPSTU (Committee of Public Sector Trade Unions) conventions and started the struggle. The workers want that the periodicity which has been increased from 5 to 10 years should be restored to 5 years.
This struggle has enthusiased and inspired the workers so much that they wanted the strike to be converted to indefinite strike till the issues are settled. But the United Forum took the correct decision to wait for some more time for the management to settle the issues, failing which the unions will have no other course left, but to resort to indefinite strike.
BSNL Employees Union and United Forum express their thanks to all the persons, unions, media and the public who have given all support and extended solidarity to the struggle. We want the management and government to understand the feelings of the workers.
*******
Trade unions meet
The Central Trade Unions meeting.
The Central Trade Unions met on 19th July 2009 at the INTUC's headquarters at New Delhi expressed serious concern over:
* Rising prices of the essential commodities including food grains and vegetables creating severe hardships for the mass of the people;
* Continuing job losses resulting in loss of livelihood to millions of the workers across the sectors owing to recession and economic slowdown;
* Non-implementation of and rampant violation of basic labour laws pertaining to minimum wages, working hours, social security, safety in workplace and trade union rights etc throughout the country adding to the sufferings of the entire toiling people;
* Extreme inadequacy of the provisions and schemes under the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act 2008 to provide any substantive relief to the vast multitude of unorganized sector workers including the contract workers owing to the restrictive provisions under the schemes and absence of any National Fund for the Unorganised Sector (NAFUS) as recommended by the NCEUS and Parliamentary Standing Committee on Labour;
* Move of the Govt for disinvestment of shares in Central Public Sector Enterprises.
The Central Trade Unions call upon the workers and employees and their unions irrespective of affiliations to unitedly highlight their concern over the abovementioned burning issues facing them and at the same time urge upon the Government to take urgent remedial/corrective measures to address the aforesaid concerns of working people effectively.
The Central Trade Unions decided to submit a memorandum to the Prime Minister on the aforesaid issues and hold a National Convention of Trade Unions at Delhi in September 2009 to chalk out common action programs.
Leaders from INTUC, AITUC, HMS, CITU and AICCTU attended the meeting. BMS, UTUC and TUCC could not come to the meeting but expressed their support to the proposal.
The Central Trade Unions met on 19th July 2009 at the INTUC's headquarters at New Delhi expressed serious concern over:
* Rising prices of the essential commodities including food grains and vegetables creating severe hardships for the mass of the people;
* Continuing job losses resulting in loss of livelihood to millions of the workers across the sectors owing to recession and economic slowdown;
* Non-implementation of and rampant violation of basic labour laws pertaining to minimum wages, working hours, social security, safety in workplace and trade union rights etc throughout the country adding to the sufferings of the entire toiling people;
* Extreme inadequacy of the provisions and schemes under the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act 2008 to provide any substantive relief to the vast multitude of unorganized sector workers including the contract workers owing to the restrictive provisions under the schemes and absence of any National Fund for the Unorganised Sector (NAFUS) as recommended by the NCEUS and Parliamentary Standing Committee on Labour;
* Move of the Govt for disinvestment of shares in Central Public Sector Enterprises.
The Central Trade Unions call upon the workers and employees and their unions irrespective of affiliations to unitedly highlight their concern over the abovementioned burning issues facing them and at the same time urge upon the Government to take urgent remedial/corrective measures to address the aforesaid concerns of working people effectively.
The Central Trade Unions decided to submit a memorandum to the Prime Minister on the aforesaid issues and hold a National Convention of Trade Unions at Delhi in September 2009 to chalk out common action programs.
Leaders from INTUC, AITUC, HMS, CITU and AICCTU attended the meeting. BMS, UTUC and TUCC could not come to the meeting but expressed their support to the proposal.
Struggle of a Courageous women.
AGAINST NUCLEAR RADIATION
STRUGGLE OF A COURAGEOUS WOMAN OF HIROSHIMA
-DR. M.K. Pandhe , President, CITU
A visit to the museum in Hiroshima which depicted shocking picture of the nuclear holocaust on 6th August 1945 makes one’s blood boiling with anger against perpetrators of the inhuman crime killing over one lakh innocent men, women and children at a stretch. The atom bomb was thrown at a time when Japanese imperialist forces were on the retreat and the war would have won by allied forces without throwing atom bomb at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. But U.S. imperialists were determined to create a reign of terror. Hence, the heinous crime was committed without giving any notice. Knowing full well the impact of the nuclear bomb U.S. imperialism was determined to resort to mass murder. The unimaginable sufferings of the people of Hiroshima only partly reflected in the museum. The agony and cries of the dying human beings could not be recorded due to suddenness of the attack.
Basudeb Acharia, Vice President of CITU and myself after seeing the pictorial presentation on 30th August 2009 had a sense of deepest sorrow at the plight of the helpless people. Our minds could not show any expression of feelings at the ghastly tragedy for quite some time.
We had an occasion to hear the personal experience of the courageous woman who personally witnessed the acute sufferings of the people affected by the explosion of a nuclear weapon over the city of Hiroshima.
Yano Miyako, an elderly affectionate woman greeted us and reported about her experience after the explosion of the Atom bomb over the city of Hiroshima. She was born in 1931 and was 14 year old girl when Atom bomb raised the entire Hiroshima city to the ground. She was a second grade student and was doing voluntary labour in some construction project. Due to some domestic work, she took a day off from Hiroshima on the day of blast and she was saved from the disaster. She could witness the impact of the atomic explosion from a distance. She was extremely shocked to see the total destruction of the city and was aghast to learn that all 50 of her classmates died in the tragic incident.
Yano’s family consisted of her father, mother and two elder sisters. No one was injured during the atomic bomb blast since they were 4 kilometers away from the epicenter of the nuclear blast. Their family decided to help the victims of the nuclear explosion. They thought that they were free from the effects of nuclear bomb but they were greatly mistaken.
The residence was near a shrine and they housed the people who survived the bomb blast but were seriously affected.
The nuclear explosion generated heat of several thousand degrees and the bodies were practically charred and mutilated due to acute eruption of their skin and even some body parts were affected. Immediate medical treatment was not available. Children’s’ cries asking for water were often heard every where.
The severe blast destroyed the houses, even the steel frames were bent severely, and several people died after fall of roof and disposing of dead bodies was a big problem. Smell of burnt flesh was felt everywhere and it took days to clear the debris. Some of the bodies were so much burnt that the persons were practically dead or waiting for death to occur.
Supplying food for the victims was a big problem. Burning of the dead bodies was a stupendous task. Human life became vulnerable to so many diseases.
Nobody could imagine the impact of radiation – water and food were affected by radiation. Trees, debris and everything were affected and nobody knows how to save themselves from radiation.
Yano heard the news of surrender by Japan but no one was in a position to react to it. Prior to surrender, however, there was a scare that another bomb may be thrown and people did not know where to go to save themselves.
Surprisingly, all members of Yano’s family affected due to radiation. Her elder sisters suffered from high fever, her parents suffered from bloody diariaha. Absence of sanitation in the city worsened the health condition of the people beyond imagination.
Yano’s sister who was 17 years old and suffered from Amnesia. There was acute inflammation of her mouth. She went to the hospital, but could not get proper treatment. White cells in her body were destroyed due to radiation. Her sister is still alive but is getting treatment as a survivor of the holocaust.
The Government of Japan recognized as survivor of the nuclear attacks only if the residence was within 2 Kilometers of radius form the Epicenter of the bomb explosion. Since their house was 4 kilometers away from the epicenter, they had difficulty in getting medical insurance as a survivor of the bomb explosion. It was only after passing away of several years; their family could get recognition as a survivor of the nuclear explosion and got medical insurance though all members of the family were victims of radiation.
Yano lost all her teeth. She felt that she would not live longer. However, she decided to work for the benefit of the nuclear holocaust survivors. When she gave birth to a boy, there was a tumor on her head at the time of his birth and with great difficulty he could get treatment and survived. He had a brain cancer surgery. Even now he is suffering from Amnesia though he is now 50 year old.
Yano’s father died 13 years after the bomb explosion while her mother died 20 years after the explosion. Both of them died due to cancer.
Her two sisters are still alive but suffering from various ailments. They are having pace maker for regular heart beating. Yano herself is even now suffering from the impact of radiation. Her organs are suffering from malfunctioning due to the impact of radiation. The suffering cannot be reduced and she is going to suffer throughout her life.
After the Second World War, the U.S. Government established an institution namely, “Radiation Effects Research Foundation”. When she approached the institution and explained how her internal body organs were affected by radiation, the Foundation did not admit that the radiation would affect the organs of the body. She was surprised to see how U.S. Government was trying to conceal the internal effects of radiation. Her entire family suffered but practically no treatment could give adequate relief to the affected victims.
She decided to devote her entire life in support of the worldwide campaign demanding total destruction of all nuclear weapons and creation of a nuclear weapon free world! She expressed her shock that the Government of Japan has accepted nuclear umbrella of U.S., a country which destroyed the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. She also decided to join the campaign all over Japan opposing nuclear umbrella of U.S. Government.
In the end, she expressed the hope that the peace loving people of India which join the campaign for a nuclear weapon free world. We assured her our full support to this campaign
STRUGGLE OF A COURAGEOUS WOMAN OF HIROSHIMA
-DR. M.K. Pandhe , President, CITU
A visit to the museum in Hiroshima which depicted shocking picture of the nuclear holocaust on 6th August 1945 makes one’s blood boiling with anger against perpetrators of the inhuman crime killing over one lakh innocent men, women and children at a stretch. The atom bomb was thrown at a time when Japanese imperialist forces were on the retreat and the war would have won by allied forces without throwing atom bomb at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. But U.S. imperialists were determined to create a reign of terror. Hence, the heinous crime was committed without giving any notice. Knowing full well the impact of the nuclear bomb U.S. imperialism was determined to resort to mass murder. The unimaginable sufferings of the people of Hiroshima only partly reflected in the museum. The agony and cries of the dying human beings could not be recorded due to suddenness of the attack.
Basudeb Acharia, Vice President of CITU and myself after seeing the pictorial presentation on 30th August 2009 had a sense of deepest sorrow at the plight of the helpless people. Our minds could not show any expression of feelings at the ghastly tragedy for quite some time.
We had an occasion to hear the personal experience of the courageous woman who personally witnessed the acute sufferings of the people affected by the explosion of a nuclear weapon over the city of Hiroshima.
Yano Miyako, an elderly affectionate woman greeted us and reported about her experience after the explosion of the Atom bomb over the city of Hiroshima. She was born in 1931 and was 14 year old girl when Atom bomb raised the entire Hiroshima city to the ground. She was a second grade student and was doing voluntary labour in some construction project. Due to some domestic work, she took a day off from Hiroshima on the day of blast and she was saved from the disaster. She could witness the impact of the atomic explosion from a distance. She was extremely shocked to see the total destruction of the city and was aghast to learn that all 50 of her classmates died in the tragic incident.
Yano’s family consisted of her father, mother and two elder sisters. No one was injured during the atomic bomb blast since they were 4 kilometers away from the epicenter of the nuclear blast. Their family decided to help the victims of the nuclear explosion. They thought that they were free from the effects of nuclear bomb but they were greatly mistaken.
The residence was near a shrine and they housed the people who survived the bomb blast but were seriously affected.
The nuclear explosion generated heat of several thousand degrees and the bodies were practically charred and mutilated due to acute eruption of their skin and even some body parts were affected. Immediate medical treatment was not available. Children’s’ cries asking for water were often heard every where.
The severe blast destroyed the houses, even the steel frames were bent severely, and several people died after fall of roof and disposing of dead bodies was a big problem. Smell of burnt flesh was felt everywhere and it took days to clear the debris. Some of the bodies were so much burnt that the persons were practically dead or waiting for death to occur.
Supplying food for the victims was a big problem. Burning of the dead bodies was a stupendous task. Human life became vulnerable to so many diseases.
Nobody could imagine the impact of radiation – water and food were affected by radiation. Trees, debris and everything were affected and nobody knows how to save themselves from radiation.
Yano heard the news of surrender by Japan but no one was in a position to react to it. Prior to surrender, however, there was a scare that another bomb may be thrown and people did not know where to go to save themselves.
Surprisingly, all members of Yano’s family affected due to radiation. Her elder sisters suffered from high fever, her parents suffered from bloody diariaha. Absence of sanitation in the city worsened the health condition of the people beyond imagination.
Yano’s sister who was 17 years old and suffered from Amnesia. There was acute inflammation of her mouth. She went to the hospital, but could not get proper treatment. White cells in her body were destroyed due to radiation. Her sister is still alive but is getting treatment as a survivor of the holocaust.
The Government of Japan recognized as survivor of the nuclear attacks only if the residence was within 2 Kilometers of radius form the Epicenter of the bomb explosion. Since their house was 4 kilometers away from the epicenter, they had difficulty in getting medical insurance as a survivor of the bomb explosion. It was only after passing away of several years; their family could get recognition as a survivor of the nuclear explosion and got medical insurance though all members of the family were victims of radiation.
Yano lost all her teeth. She felt that she would not live longer. However, she decided to work for the benefit of the nuclear holocaust survivors. When she gave birth to a boy, there was a tumor on her head at the time of his birth and with great difficulty he could get treatment and survived. He had a brain cancer surgery. Even now he is suffering from Amnesia though he is now 50 year old.
Yano’s father died 13 years after the bomb explosion while her mother died 20 years after the explosion. Both of them died due to cancer.
Her two sisters are still alive but suffering from various ailments. They are having pace maker for regular heart beating. Yano herself is even now suffering from the impact of radiation. Her organs are suffering from malfunctioning due to the impact of radiation. The suffering cannot be reduced and she is going to suffer throughout her life.
After the Second World War, the U.S. Government established an institution namely, “Radiation Effects Research Foundation”. When she approached the institution and explained how her internal body organs were affected by radiation, the Foundation did not admit that the radiation would affect the organs of the body. She was surprised to see how U.S. Government was trying to conceal the internal effects of radiation. Her entire family suffered but practically no treatment could give adequate relief to the affected victims.
She decided to devote her entire life in support of the worldwide campaign demanding total destruction of all nuclear weapons and creation of a nuclear weapon free world! She expressed her shock that the Government of Japan has accepted nuclear umbrella of U.S., a country which destroyed the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. She also decided to join the campaign all over Japan opposing nuclear umbrella of U.S. Government.
In the end, she expressed the hope that the peace loving people of India which join the campaign for a nuclear weapon free world. We assured her our full support to this campaign
Tuesday, October 6, 2009
Strike of Jet Pilots
Five Day Strike of Jet Pilots
M K Pandhe
THE stoppage of work by over 400 pilots of Jet Airways hit the headlines of all the national newspapers on the question of summary dismissal of two leading pilots for a mere crime of formation of National Aviation Guild, union of Jet pilots. The pilots reported sick every day leading to cancellation of over 200 flights of Jet Airways and estimated loss of Rs 200 crores of earnings of Jet Airways. The Jet management terminated services of three more pilots after commencement of the strike.
The strike commenced on September 8 and settled on September 13 when the management agreed to take all the victimised pilots on duty.
The union labour ministry issued a notification more than three decades ago characterising civil aviation pilots as workmen under the Industrial Disputes Act 1947 and they have every right to form a union. The Indian Airlines and Air India have already permitted their pilots to form unions and negotiate with them on their service conditions.
It is reported that N Goyal, chairman Jet Airways when he signed a deal for borrowing money from a Singapore Company, there was a clause in the agreement that the Jet Airways would not allow any union to be formed in the company. The matter was reported by Umraomal Purohit, general secretary, HMS, in a national convention of workers held in New Delhi on September 14, 2009. Even otherwise Goyal was against any union activity in Jet Airways. He had taken stern action against employees who tried to form a union in Jet Airways.
All the central trade unions namely, INTUC, CITU, BMS, AITUC, HMS, UTUC, AIUTUC, AICCTU and TUCC in a joint letter to Wolfgang Prock-Schauer, chief executive officer of Jet Airways on September 8, 2009 stated, “you are pursuing a highly provocative anti-union course of action. We demand the immediate revocation of termination notices served to the two pilots and that Jet Airways management recognise the National Aviation Guild (NAG).
The joint letter stated in the end, “please be warned that we stand solidly behind the pilots of Jet Airways and we will be calling upon all our trade unions to rally solidarity support”.
Praful Patel, minister of state for civil aviation could not find time to meet the pilots but he met Jet Airways chief N Goyal and discussed the question of application of ESMA against the pilots and even engaging foreign pilots to break the strike of Jet Airways pilots.
It should be worth noting here that all the eight airline companies formed a cartel and decided to go on strike on August 19, 2009 to press the demand for reduction in price of aviation fuel. The former secretary of department of civil aviation became the secretary of the newly formed cartel which clearly proves the nexus between the bureaucrats and the private airlines. It is also surprising to note that the government of India had allowed Air India to join the cartel and the call for strike.
The minister of state for civil aviation outwardly gave a threat to the private airlines but had a friendly meeting with them and assured that he would take up their demand with the department of petroleum and natural gas. In the past he permitted private airlines to defer their oil bills and airport charges for a period of six months.
When the daily passenger traffic of Jet Airways came down from 21,000 per day to 14,000 and several passengers were stranded, the minister of civil aviation did not direct the Jet Airways management to reinstate these victimised pilots and restore normalcy. On the contrary, he refused to intervene in the dispute and failed to make any attempt to settle the issue according to law.
According to code of discipline, if there is a single union in the industry, the management has to accord recognition to the union. In absence of this it would be treated as violation of the code and the government has to take action against the management. However, the chief labour commissioner’s office carried forward fruitless negotiations without giving a clear-cut directive to the management to reinstate the victimised employees and to recognise the National Aviation Guild. It is clear that the chief labour commissioner’s office was acting under pressure from Jet Airways management.
What is strange in this regard is the fact that registrar of trade unions, Mumbai registered the National Aviation Guild after verifying all their documents and the union completing all the formalities. After giving the NAG registration number and registration certificate again due to the pressure of the Jet Airways management, the registrar of trade unions issued a show cause notice to the union with a view to deregister the union. This arbitrary step of the registrar of trade union is a clear violation of the trade union Act 1926 and the ILO convention concerning freedom of association.
The Jet Airways did not allow any union to be formed among the employees. However, during the strike of the pilots, the management engineered a demonstration in the name of a non-existent union to show that the Jet employees were against the pilots. In the past, there was no evidence of the Jet management allowing any union activity among the employees. Even when Jet Airways reduced wages of employees no demonstration could be organised by the employees for fear of losing their jobs.
The media and the press were fully supporting the stand of the Jet management. Some editorials were written by the daily press criticising the action of the pilots but no support was visible in the media in support of the demand for reinstatement of the victimised pilots. The media was focusing on the stranded passengers and blaming the pilots for not reporting for duties.
The pilots of Air India and Indian Airlines supported the struggle of the Jet Airways pilots but such support was not forthcoming from the pilots of other private sector companies. The private sector companies took the advantage of the strike and tried to get more market share of the passenger traffic. Some private airlines increased their airfare to take advantage of the developments.
The unity and determination shown by the Jet Airways pilots for five days ultimately forced the management to settle the dispute and find out a via media to satisfy the pilots. The Jet management earlier during the negotiations agreed to take back the victimised pilots provided the NAG is dissolved. However, pilots were not prepared to surrender their right to form their own union. Ultimately, the management had to come down from their ivory tower and agreed to take back all the victimised pilots on duty and form a joint committee to discuss all the issues raised by the pilots. The committee would consist of two senior officers of the company and two representatives of the pilots.
The pilots have joined their duty on September 13 and normalcy has been restored. However, the Jet management is trying to get the NAG deregistered by manipulating the registrar of trade unions office by resorting to flimsy objections. Some Jet Airways pilots visited the CITU office to inform the matter and CITU assured them all help in taking up their issues with the government.
The trade union movement in India will oppose any attempt on the part of registrar of trade unions, Mumbai to help the Jet Airways management in their vile designs.
About 150 employed pilots in India have also formed a union with a view to make efforts to get jobs in India. The civil aviation ministry is not taking a helpful attitude towards their problems.
There is a public perception that pilots are highly paid and they should not be allowed to form a union. There is however urgent need in civil aviation industry that employees of all categories should form a common industry wise union. In many countries, in the world there is a common organisation from pilots to unskilled workers. However in public sector, we have category wise organisations which is reducing the bargaining power of the employees with the management.
In private sector civil aviation companies there is no job security while majority of the workers are either casual or working under contractors. Their wages are low and defined working conditions are absent. The ministry of civil aviation is encouraging these malpractices and has not taken any step to introduce uniform working conditions in the entire industry.
It is only through a joint movement that civil aviation employees can improve their working conditions both in public and private sectors.
The Jet pilots strike has focused the attention of the country to the anti-labour attitude of the private sector civil aviation companies. The trade union movement of civil aviation employees should rise to the occasion and unite their ranks in a common organisation which alone will give them decent working and living conditions and trade union rights.
M K Pandhe
THE stoppage of work by over 400 pilots of Jet Airways hit the headlines of all the national newspapers on the question of summary dismissal of two leading pilots for a mere crime of formation of National Aviation Guild, union of Jet pilots. The pilots reported sick every day leading to cancellation of over 200 flights of Jet Airways and estimated loss of Rs 200 crores of earnings of Jet Airways. The Jet management terminated services of three more pilots after commencement of the strike.
The strike commenced on September 8 and settled on September 13 when the management agreed to take all the victimised pilots on duty.
The union labour ministry issued a notification more than three decades ago characterising civil aviation pilots as workmen under the Industrial Disputes Act 1947 and they have every right to form a union. The Indian Airlines and Air India have already permitted their pilots to form unions and negotiate with them on their service conditions.
It is reported that N Goyal, chairman Jet Airways when he signed a deal for borrowing money from a Singapore Company, there was a clause in the agreement that the Jet Airways would not allow any union to be formed in the company. The matter was reported by Umraomal Purohit, general secretary, HMS, in a national convention of workers held in New Delhi on September 14, 2009. Even otherwise Goyal was against any union activity in Jet Airways. He had taken stern action against employees who tried to form a union in Jet Airways.
All the central trade unions namely, INTUC, CITU, BMS, AITUC, HMS, UTUC, AIUTUC, AICCTU and TUCC in a joint letter to Wolfgang Prock-Schauer, chief executive officer of Jet Airways on September 8, 2009 stated, “you are pursuing a highly provocative anti-union course of action. We demand the immediate revocation of termination notices served to the two pilots and that Jet Airways management recognise the National Aviation Guild (NAG).
The joint letter stated in the end, “please be warned that we stand solidly behind the pilots of Jet Airways and we will be calling upon all our trade unions to rally solidarity support”.
Praful Patel, minister of state for civil aviation could not find time to meet the pilots but he met Jet Airways chief N Goyal and discussed the question of application of ESMA against the pilots and even engaging foreign pilots to break the strike of Jet Airways pilots.
It should be worth noting here that all the eight airline companies formed a cartel and decided to go on strike on August 19, 2009 to press the demand for reduction in price of aviation fuel. The former secretary of department of civil aviation became the secretary of the newly formed cartel which clearly proves the nexus between the bureaucrats and the private airlines. It is also surprising to note that the government of India had allowed Air India to join the cartel and the call for strike.
The minister of state for civil aviation outwardly gave a threat to the private airlines but had a friendly meeting with them and assured that he would take up their demand with the department of petroleum and natural gas. In the past he permitted private airlines to defer their oil bills and airport charges for a period of six months.
When the daily passenger traffic of Jet Airways came down from 21,000 per day to 14,000 and several passengers were stranded, the minister of civil aviation did not direct the Jet Airways management to reinstate these victimised pilots and restore normalcy. On the contrary, he refused to intervene in the dispute and failed to make any attempt to settle the issue according to law.
According to code of discipline, if there is a single union in the industry, the management has to accord recognition to the union. In absence of this it would be treated as violation of the code and the government has to take action against the management. However, the chief labour commissioner’s office carried forward fruitless negotiations without giving a clear-cut directive to the management to reinstate the victimised employees and to recognise the National Aviation Guild. It is clear that the chief labour commissioner’s office was acting under pressure from Jet Airways management.
What is strange in this regard is the fact that registrar of trade unions, Mumbai registered the National Aviation Guild after verifying all their documents and the union completing all the formalities. After giving the NAG registration number and registration certificate again due to the pressure of the Jet Airways management, the registrar of trade unions issued a show cause notice to the union with a view to deregister the union. This arbitrary step of the registrar of trade union is a clear violation of the trade union Act 1926 and the ILO convention concerning freedom of association.
The Jet Airways did not allow any union to be formed among the employees. However, during the strike of the pilots, the management engineered a demonstration in the name of a non-existent union to show that the Jet employees were against the pilots. In the past, there was no evidence of the Jet management allowing any union activity among the employees. Even when Jet Airways reduced wages of employees no demonstration could be organised by the employees for fear of losing their jobs.
The media and the press were fully supporting the stand of the Jet management. Some editorials were written by the daily press criticising the action of the pilots but no support was visible in the media in support of the demand for reinstatement of the victimised pilots. The media was focusing on the stranded passengers and blaming the pilots for not reporting for duties.
The pilots of Air India and Indian Airlines supported the struggle of the Jet Airways pilots but such support was not forthcoming from the pilots of other private sector companies. The private sector companies took the advantage of the strike and tried to get more market share of the passenger traffic. Some private airlines increased their airfare to take advantage of the developments.
The unity and determination shown by the Jet Airways pilots for five days ultimately forced the management to settle the dispute and find out a via media to satisfy the pilots. The Jet management earlier during the negotiations agreed to take back the victimised pilots provided the NAG is dissolved. However, pilots were not prepared to surrender their right to form their own union. Ultimately, the management had to come down from their ivory tower and agreed to take back all the victimised pilots on duty and form a joint committee to discuss all the issues raised by the pilots. The committee would consist of two senior officers of the company and two representatives of the pilots.
The pilots have joined their duty on September 13 and normalcy has been restored. However, the Jet management is trying to get the NAG deregistered by manipulating the registrar of trade unions office by resorting to flimsy objections. Some Jet Airways pilots visited the CITU office to inform the matter and CITU assured them all help in taking up their issues with the government.
The trade union movement in India will oppose any attempt on the part of registrar of trade unions, Mumbai to help the Jet Airways management in their vile designs.
About 150 employed pilots in India have also formed a union with a view to make efforts to get jobs in India. The civil aviation ministry is not taking a helpful attitude towards their problems.
There is a public perception that pilots are highly paid and they should not be allowed to form a union. There is however urgent need in civil aviation industry that employees of all categories should form a common industry wise union. In many countries, in the world there is a common organisation from pilots to unskilled workers. However in public sector, we have category wise organisations which is reducing the bargaining power of the employees with the management.
In private sector civil aviation companies there is no job security while majority of the workers are either casual or working under contractors. Their wages are low and defined working conditions are absent. The ministry of civil aviation is encouraging these malpractices and has not taken any step to introduce uniform working conditions in the entire industry.
It is only through a joint movement that civil aviation employees can improve their working conditions both in public and private sectors.
The Jet pilots strike has focused the attention of the country to the anti-labour attitude of the private sector civil aviation companies. The trade union movement of civil aviation employees should rise to the occasion and unite their ranks in a common organisation which alone will give them decent working and living conditions and trade union rights.
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